Western philosophy
History of Western philosophy from its development among the ancient
Greeks to the present.
Medieval philosophy
Medieval philosophy » The age of the Schoolmen » Robert Grosseteste and
Roger Bacon
The newly translated Greek and Arabic treatises had an immediate effect
on the University of Oxford. Its first chancellor, Robert Grosseteste
(c. 1175–1253), commented on some of Aristotle’s works and translated
the Nicomachean Ethics from Greek to Latin. He was deeply interested in
scientific method, which he described as both inductive and deductive.
By the observation of individual events in nature, human beings advance
to a general law, called a “universal experimental principle,” which
accounts for these events. Experimentation either verifies or falsifies
a theory by testing its empirical consequences. For Grosseteste, the
study of nature is impossible without mathematics. He cultivated the
science of optics (perspectiva), which measures the behaviour of light
by mathematical means. His studies of the rainbow and comets employ both
observation and mathematics. His treatise De luce (1215–20; On Light)
presents light as the basic form of all things and God as the primal,
uncreated light.
Grosseteste’s pupil Roger Bacon (c. 1220–1292) made the mathematical
and experimental methods the key to natural science. The term
experimental science was popularized in the West through his writings.
For him, human beings acquire knowledge through reasoning and
experience, but without the latter there can be no certitude. Humans
gain experience through the senses and also through an interior divine
illumination that culminates in mystical experience. Bacon was critical
of the methods of Parisian theologians such as St. Albertus Magnus (c.
1200–1280) and Aquinas. He strove to create a universal wisdom embracing
all the sciences and organized by theology. He also proposed the
formation of a single worldwide society, or “Christian republic,” that
would unite all humankind under the leadership of the pope.

|
Robert Grosseteste
English bishop
born c. 1175, Suffolk, Eng.
died Oct. 9, 1253, Buckden, Buckinghamshire
Main
English bishop and scholar who introduced into the world of
European Christendom Latin translations of Greek and Arabic
philosophical and scientific writings. His philosophical
thinking—a somewhat eclectic blend of Aristotelian and
Neoplatonic ideas—consistently searched for a rational
scheme of things, both natural and divine.
Grosseteste was educated at the University of Oxford and
then held a position with William de Vere, the bishop of
Hereford. Grosseteste was chancellor of Oxford from about
1215 to 1221 and was given thereafter a number of
ecclesiastical preferments and sinecures from which he
resigned in 1232. From 1229 or 1230 to 1235 he was first
lecturer in theology to the Franciscans, on whom his
influence was profound. The works of this, his pre-episcopal
career, include a commentary on Aristotle’s Posterior
Analytics and Physics, many independent treatises on
scientific subjects, and several scriptural commentaries.
Grosseteste became bishop of Lincoln in 1235 and held
this office until his death. His career as a bishop (during
which he translated, among other works, Aristotle’s
Nichomachean Ethics from the Greek) was remarkable for his
ruthless pursuit of three abiding principles: a belief in
the supreme importance of the cure of souls, a highly
centralized and hierarchical conception of the church, and a
conviction of the superiority of the church over the state.
His challenge of the widespread practice of endowing
officials in the service of the crown and papacy with
ecclesiastical benefices intended for the cure of souls
brought him into conflict with both. He attended the Council
of Lyon (1245) and argued before the papal curia at Lyon
(1250).
|
|
|

|
Roger Bacon
English philosopher and scientist
byname Doctor Mirabilis (Latin: “Wonderful Teacher”)
born c. 1220, Ilchester, Somerset, or Bisley, Gloucester?,
Eng.
died 1292, Oxford?
Main
English Franciscan philosopher and educational reformer who
was a major medieval proponent of experimental science.
Bacon studied mathematics, astronomy, optics, alchemy, and
languages. He was the first European to describe in detail
the process of making gunpowder, and he proposed flying
machines and motorized ships and carriages. Bacon (as he
himself complacently remarked) displayed a prodigious energy
and zeal in the pursuit of experimental science; indeed, his
studies were talked about everywhere and eventually won him
a place in popular literature as a kind of wonder worker.
Bacon therefore represents a historically precocious
expression of the empirical spirit of experimental science,
even though his actual practice of it seems to have been
exaggerated.
Early life
Bacon was born into a wealthy family; he was well-versed in
the classics and enjoyed the advantages of an early training
in geometry, arithmetic, music, and astronomy. Inasmuch as
he later lectured at Paris, it is probable that his master
of arts degree was conferred there, presumably not before
1241—a date in keeping with his claim that he saw the
Franciscan professor Alexander of Hales (who died in 1245)
with his own eyes and that he heard the master scholar
William of Auvergne (d. 1249) dispute twice in the presence
of the whole university.
University and scientific career.
In the earlier part of his career, Bacon lectured in the
faculty of arts on Aristotelian and pseudo-Aristotelian
treatises, displaying no indication of his later
preoccupation with science. His Paris lectures, important in
enabling scholars to form some idea of the work done by one
who was a pioneer in introducing the works of Aristotle into
western Europe, reveal an Aristotelianism strongly marked by
Neoplatonist elements stemming from many different sources.
The influence of Avicenna on Bacon has been exaggerated.
About 1247 a considerable change took place in Bacon’s
intellectual development. From that date forward he expended
much time and energy and huge sums of money in experimental
research, in acquiring “secret” books, in the construction
of instruments and of tables, in the training of assistants,
and in seeking the friendship of savants—activities that
marked a definite departure from the usual routine of the
faculty of arts. The change was probably caused by his
return to Oxford and the influence there of the great
scholar Robert Grosseteste, a leader in introducing Greek
learning to the West, and his student Adam de Marisco, as
well as that of Thomas Wallensis, the bishop of St. David’s.
From 1247 to 1257 Bacon devoted himself wholeheartedly to
the cultivation of those new branches of learning to which
he was introduced at Oxford—languages, optics, and
alchemy—and to further studies in astronomy and mathematics.
It is true that Bacon was more skeptical of hearsay claims
than were his contemporaries, that he suspected rational
deductions (holding to the superior dependability of
confirming experiences), and that he extolled
experimentation so ardently that he has often been viewed as
a harbinger of modern science more than 300 years before it
came to bloom. Yet research on Bacon suggests that his
characterization as an experimenter may be overwrought. His
originality lay not so much in any positive contribution to
the sum of knowledge as in his insistence on fruitful lines
of research and methods of experimental study. As for actual
experiments performed, he deferred to a certain Master Peter
de Maricourt (Maharn-Curia), a Picard, who alone, he wrote,
understood the method of experiment and whom he called
dominus experimentorum (“master of experiments”). Bacon, to
be sure, did have a sort of laboratory for alchemical
experiments and carried out some systematic observations
with lenses and mirrors. His studies on the nature of light
and on the rainbow are especially noteworthy, and he seems
to have planned and interpreted these experiments carefully.
But his most notable “experiments” seem never to have been
actually performed; they were merely described. He
suggested, for example, that a balloon of thin copper sheet
be made and filled with “liquid fire”; he felt that it would
float in the air as many light objects do in water. He
seriously studied the problem of flying in a machine with
flapping wings. He was the first person in the West to give
exact directions for making gunpowder (1242); and, though he
knew that, if confined, it would have great power and might
be useful in war, he failed to speculate further. (Its use
in guns arose early in the following century.) Bacon
described spectacles (which also soon came into use);
elucidated the principles of reflection, refraction, and
spherical aberration; and proposed mechanically propelled
ships and carriages. He used a camera obscura (which
projects an image through a pinhole) to observe eclipses of
the Sun.
Career as a friar.
In 1257 another marked change took place in Bacon’s life.
Because of ill health and his entry into the Order of Friars
Minor, Bacon felt (as he wrote) forgotten by everyone and
all but buried. His university and literary careers seemed
finished. His feverish activity, his amazing credulity, his
superstition, and his vocal contempt for those not sharing
his interests displeased his superiors in the order and
brought him under severe discipline. He decided to appeal to
Pope Clement IV, whom he may have known when the latter was
(before his election to the papacy) in the service of the
Capetian kings of France. In a letter (1266) the pope
referred to letters received from Bacon, who had come
forward with certain proposals covering the natural world,
mathematics, languages, perspective, and astrology. Bacon
had argued that a more accurate experimental knowledge of
nature would be of great value in confirming the Christian
faith, and he felt that his proposals would be of great
importance for the welfare of the church and of the
universities. The pope desired to become more fully informed
of these projects and commanded Bacon to send him the work.
But Bacon had had in mind a vast encyclopaedia of all the
known sciences, requiring many collaborators, the
organization and administration of which would be
coordinated by a papal institute. The work, then, was merely
projected when the pope thought that it already existed. In
obedience to the pope’s command, however, Bacon set to work
and in a remarkably short time had dispatched the Opus majus
(“Great Work”), the Opus minus (“Lesser Work”), and the Opus
tertium (“Third Work”). He had to do this secretly and
notwithstanding any command of his superiors to the
contrary; and even when the irregularity of his conduct
attracted their attention and the terrible weapons of
spiritual coercion were brought to bear upon him, he was
deterred from explaining his position by the papal command
of secrecy. Under the circumstances, his achievement was
truly astounding. He reminded the pope that, like the
leaders of the schools with their commentaries and scholarly
summaries, he could have covered quires of vellum with
“puerilities” and vain speculations. Instead, he aspired to
penetrate realms undreamed of in the schools at Paris and to
lay bare the secrets of nature by positive study. The Opus
majus was an effort to persuade the pope of the urgent
necessity and manifold utility of the reforms that he
proposed. But the death of Clement in 1268 extinguished
Bacon’s dreams of gaining for the sciences their rightful
place in the curriculum of university studies.
Bacon projected yet another encyclopaedia, of which only
fragments were ever published, namely, the Communia
naturalium (“General Principles of Natural Philosophy”) and
the Communia mathematica (“General Principles of
Mathematical Science”), written about 1268. In 1272 there
appeared the Compendium philosophiae (“Compendium of
Philosophy”). In philosophy—and even Bacon’s so-called
scientific works contain lengthy philosophical
digressions—he was the disciple of Aristotle; even though he
did incorporate Neoplatonist elements into his philosophy,
his thought remains essentially Aristotelian in its main
lines.
Sometime between 1277 and 1279, Bacon was condemned to
prison by his fellow Franciscans because of certain
“suspected novelties” in his teaching. The condemnation was
probably issued because of his bitter attacks on the
theologians and scholars of his day, his excessive credulity
in alchemy and astrology, and his penchant for
millenarianism under the influence of the prophecies of
Abbot Joachim of Fiore, a mystical philosopher of history.
How long he was imprisoned is unknown. His last work (1292),
incomplete as so many others, shows him as aggressive as
ever.
The Rev. Theodore Crowley, O.F.M.
|
Medieval philosophy » The age of the Schoolmen » William of Auvergne
At the University of Paris, William of Auvergne (c. 1180–1249) was one
of the first to feel the impact of the philosophies of Aristotle and
Avicenna. As a teacher and then as bishop of Paris, he was concerned
with the threat to the Christian faith posed by pagan and Islamic
thought. He opposed the Aristotelian doctrine of the eternity of the
world as contrary to the Christian notion of creation. His critique of
Avicenna emphasized the latter’s conception of God and creation. Against
the God of Avicenna, who creates the universe eternally and necessarily
through the mediation of 10 intelligences, William defended the
Christian notion of a God who creates the world freely and directly.
Creatures are radically contingent and dependent on God’s creative will.
Unlike God, they do not exist necessarily; indeed, their existence is
distinct from their essence and accidental to it. God has no essence
distinct from his existence; he is pure existence. In stressing the
essential instability and temporality of the world, William attributed
true existence and causality to God alone. Although a follower of
Augustine, William, like others of his time, was compelled to rethink
the older Augustinian notions in terms of the newer Aristotelian and
Avicennian philosophies.

|
William of Auvergne
French philosopher
born after 1180, Aurillac, Aquitaine
died 1249, Paris
Main
also called William Of Paris, or William Of Alvernia, French
Guillaume D’auvergne, or De Paris the most prominent French
philosopher-theologian of the early 13th century and one of
the first Western scholars to attempt to integrate classical
Greek and Arabic philosophy with Christian doctrine.
William became a master of theology at the University of
Paris in 1223 and a professor by 1225. He was named bishop
of the city in 1228. As such he defended the rising
mendicant orders against attacks by the secular clergy,
which impugned the mendicants’ orthodoxy and reason for
existence. As a reformer he limited the clergy to one
benefice (church office) at a time if it provided them
sufficient means.
William’s principal work, written between 1223 and 1240,
is the monumental Magisterium divinale (“The Divine
Teaching”), a seven-part compendium of philosophy and
theology: De primo principio, or De Trinitate (“On the First
Principle,” or “On the Trinity”); De universo creaturarum
(“On the Universe of Created Things”); De anima (“On the
Soul”); Cur Deus homo (“Why God Became Man”); De sacramentis
(“On the Sacraments”); De fide et legibus (“On Faith and
Laws”); De virtutibus et moribus (“On Virtues and Customs”).
After the condemnation of Aristotle’s Physics and
Metaphysics in 1210 by church authorities fearful of their
negative effect on the Christian faith, William initiated
the attempt to delete those Aristotelian theses that he saw
as incompatible with Christian beliefs. On the other hand,
he strove to assimilate into Christianity whatever in
Aristotle’s thought is consistent with it.
Influenced by the Aristotelianism of Avicenna (Ibn Sīnā),
an 11th-century Islāmic philosopher, and by the Neoplatonism
of Augustine and the school of Chartres, William,
nevertheless, was sharply critical of those elements in
classical Greek philosophy that contradicted Christian
theology, specifically on the questions of human freedom,
Divine Providence, and the individuality of the soul.
Against Avicenna’s determinism, he held that God
“voluntarily” created the world, and he opposed those
proponents of Aristotelianism who taught that man’s
conceptual powers are one with the single, universal
intellect. William argued that the soul is an
individualized, immortal “form,” or principle, of
intelligent activity; man’s sentient life, however, requires
another activating “form.”
The complete works of William of Auvergne, edited in 1674
by B. Leferon, were reprinted in 1963. A critical text of De
bono et malo by J.R. O’Donnell appeared in 1954.
|
Medieval philosophy » The age of the Schoolmen » Bonaventure
The Franciscan friar St. Bonaventure (c. 1217–1274) reacted similarly to
the growing popularity of Aristotle and his Arabic commentators. He
admired Aristotle as a natural scientist, but he preferred Plato and
Plotinus, and above all Augustine, as metaphysicians. His main criticism
of Aristotle and his followers was that they denied the existence of
divine ideas. As a result, Aristotle was ignorant of exemplarism (God’s
creation of the world according to ideas in his mind) and also of divine
providence and government of the world. This involved Aristotle in a
threefold blindness: he taught that the world is eternal, that all men
share one agent intellect (the active principle of understanding), and
that there are no rewards or punishments after death. Plato and Plotinus
avoided these mistakes, but because they lacked Christian faith, they
could not see the whole truth. For Bonaventure, faith alone enables one
to avoid error in these important matters.
Bonaventure did not confuse philosophy with theology. Philosophy is
knowledge of the things of nature and the soul that is innate in human
beings or acquired through their own efforts, whereas theology is
knowledge of heavenly things that is based on faith and divine
revelation. Bonaventure, however, rejected the practical separation of
philosophy from theology. Philosophy needs the guidance of faith; far
from being self-sufficient, it is but a stage in a progression toward
the higher knowledge that culminates in the vision of God.
For Bonaventure, every creature to some degree bears the mark of its
Creator. The soul has been made in the very image of God. Thus, the
universe is like a book in which the triune God is revealed. His
Itinerarium mentis in Deum (1259; The Soul’s Journey into God) follows
Augustine’s path to God, from the external world to the interior world
of the mind and then beyond the mind from the temporal to the eternal.
Throughout this journey, human beings are aided by a moral and
intellectual divine illumination. The mind has been created with an
innate idea of God so that, as Anselm pointed out, humans cannot think
that God does not exist. In a terse reformulation of the Anselmian
argument for God’s existence, Bonaventure states that if God is God, he
exists.

|
Saint Bonaventure
Italian theologian
Italian San Bonaventura, original name Giovanni Di Fidanza
born c. 1217, Bagnoregio, Papal States
died July 15, 1274, Lyon; canonized April 14, 1482; feast
day July 15
Main
leading medieval theologian, minister general of the
Franciscan order, and cardinal bishop of Albano. He wrote
several works on the spiritual life and recodified the
constitution of his order (1260). He was declared a doctor
(teacher) of the church in 1587.
He was a son of Giovanni of Fidanza, a physician, and
Maria of Ritella. He fell ill while a boy and, according to
his own words, was saved from death by the intercession of
St. Francis of Assisi. Entering the University of Paris in
1235, he received the master of arts degree in 1243 and then
joined the Franciscan order, which named him Bonaventure in
1244. He studied theology in the Franciscan school at Paris
from 1243 to 1248. His masters, especially Alexander of
Hales, recognized in him a student with a keen memory and
unusual intelligence. He was also under the tutelage of John
of La Rochelle. After their deaths (1245) he studied further
under Eudes Rigauld and William of Meliton. He was later
probably influenced by the Dominican Guerric of
Saint-Quentin.
By turning the pursuit of truth into a form of divine
worship, he integrated his study of theology with the
Franciscan mode of the mendicant life. In 1248, he began to
teach the Bible; from 1251 to 1253 he lectured on the
Sentences, a medieval theology textbook by Peter Lombard, an
Italian theologian of the 12th century, and he became a
master of theology in 1254, when he assumed control of the
Franciscan school in Paris. He taught there until 1257,
producing many works, notably commentaries on the Bible and
the Sentences and the Breviloquium (“Summary”), which
presented a summary of his theology. These works showed his
deep understanding of Scripture and the Fathers of the early
church—principally St. Augustine—and a wide knowledge of the
philosophers, particularly Aristotle.
Bonaventure was particularly noted in his day as a man
with the rare ability to reconcile diverse traditions in
theology and philosophy. He united different doctrines in a
synthesis containing his personal conception of truth as a
road to the love of God. In 1256 he defended the Franciscan
ideal of the Christian life against William of Saint-Amour,
a university teacher who accused the mendicants (friars who
wandered about and begged for a living) of defaming the
Gospel by their practice of poverty and who wanted to
prevent the Franciscans and their fellow mendicants, the
Dominicans, from attaining teaching positions. Bonaventure’s
defense of the Franciscans and his personal probity as a
member of his religious order led to his election as
minister general of the Franciscans on Feb. 2, 1257.
Founded by St. Francis according to strict views about
poverty, the Franciscan order was at that time undergoing
internal discord. One group, the Spirituals, disrupted the
order by a rigorous view of poverty; another, the Relaxati,
disturbed it by a laxity of life. Bonaventure used his
authority so prudently that, placating the first group and
reproving the second, he preserved the unity of the order
and reformed it in the spirit of St. Francis. The work of
restoration and reconciliation owed its success to
Bonaventure’s tireless visits, despite delicate health, to
each province of the order and to his own personal
realization of the Franciscan ideal. In his travels, he
preached the Gospel constantly and so elegantly that he was
recognized everywhere as a most eloquent preacher. As a
theologian, he based the revival of the order on his
conception of the spiritual life, which he expounded in
mystical treatises manifesting his Franciscan experience of
contemplation as a perfection of the Christian life. His
Journey of the Mind to God (1259) was a masterpiece showing
the way by which man as a creature ought to love and
contemplate God through Christ after the example of St.
Francis. Revered by his order, Bonaventure recodified its
constitutions (1260), wrote for it a new Life of St. Francis
of Assisi (1263), and protected it (1269) from an assault by
Gerard of Abbeville, a teacher of theology at Paris, who
renewed the charge of William of Saint-Amour. He also
protected the church during the period 1267–73 by upholding
the Christian faith while denouncing the views of unorthodox
masters at Paris who contradicted revelation in their
philosophy.
Bonaventure’s wisdom and ability to reconcile opposing
views moved Pope Gregory X to name him cardinal bishop of
Albano, Italy, in May 1273, though Bonaventure had declined
to accept appointment to the see of York, England, from Pope
Clement IV in 1265. Gregory consecrated him in November at
Lyon, where he resigned as minister general of the
Franciscans in May 1274. At the second Council of Lyon he
was the leading figure in the reform of the church,
reconciling the secular (parish) clergy with the mendicant
orders. He also had a part in restoring the Greek church to
union with Rome. His death, at the council, was viewed as
the loss of a wise and holy man, full of compassion and
virtue, captivating with love all who knew him. He was
buried the same day in a Franciscan church with the pope in
attendance. The respect and love that was held for
Bonaventure is exemplified in the formal announcement of the
council: “At the funeral there was much sorrow and tears;
for the Lord has given him this grace, that all who saw him
were filled with an immense love for him.” His exemplary
life as a Franciscan and the continual influence of his
doctrine on the life and devotion of the Western church won
for him a declaration of sanctity by Pope Sixtus IV; he was
designated a doctor of the church by Sixtus V.
Modern scholars consider him to have been one of the
foremost men of his age, an intrepid defender of human and
divine truth, and an outstanding exponent of a mystical and
Christian wisdom.
The critical edition of St. Bonaventure’s works is Opera
omnia, 10 vol. (1882–1902). Translations of his works by
Jose de Vinck are “The Journey of the Mind to God,” in vol.
1 of The Works of Bonaventure (1960); and vol. 2,
Breviloquium (1963).
John Francis Quinn
|
Medieval philosophy » The age of the Schoolmen » Albertus Magnus
The achievement of the Dominican friar Albertus Magnus was of vital
importance for the development of medieval philosophy. A person of
immense erudition and intellectual curiosity, he was one of the first to
recognize the true value of the newly translated Greco-Arabic scientific
and philosophical literature. Everything he considered valuable in it he
included in his encyclopaedic writings. He set out to teach this
literature to his contemporaries and in particular to make the
philosophy of Aristotle, whom he considered to be the greatest
philosopher, understandable to them. He also proposed to write original
works in order to complete what was lacking in the Aristotelian system.
In no small measure, the triumph of Aristotelianism in the 13th century
can be attributed to him.
Albertus’s observations and discoveries in the natural sciences
advanced botany, zoology, and mineralogy. In philosophy he was less
original and creative than his famous pupil Aquinas. Albertus produced a
synthesis of Aristotelianism and Neoplatonism, blending together the
philosophies of Aristotle, Avicenna, and Ibn Gabirol and, among
Christians, Augustine and Pseudo-Dionysius.

|
Saint Albertus Magnus
German theologian, scientist, and philosopher
English Saint Albert The Great, German Sankt Albert Der
Grosse, byname Albert Of Cologne, or Of Lauingen, or Doctor
Universalis (Latin: “Universal Doctor”)
born c. 1200, Lauingen an der Donau, Swabia [Germany]
died November 15, 1280, Cologne; canonized Dec. 16, 1931;
feast day November 15
Main
Dominican bishop and philosopher best known as a teacher of
St. Thomas Aquinas and as a proponent of Aristotelianism at
the University of Paris. He established the study of nature
as a legitimate science within the Christian tradition. By
papal decree in 1941, he was declared the patron saint of
all who cultivate the natural sciences. He was the most
prolific writer of his century and was the only scholar of
his age to be called “the Great”; this title was used even
before his death.
Albertus was the eldest son of a wealthy German lord.
After his early schooling, he went to the University of
Padua, where he studied the liberal arts. He joined the
Dominican order at Padua in 1223. He continued his studies
at Padua and Bologna and in Germany and then taught theology
at several convents throughout Germany, lastly at Cologne.
Sometime before 1245 he was sent to the Dominican convent
of Saint-Jacques at the University of Paris, where he came
into contact with the works of Aristotle, newly translated
from Greek and Arabic, and with the commentaries on
Aristotle’s works by Averroës, a 12th-century
Spanish-Arabian philosopher. At Saint-Jacques he lectured on
the Bible for two years and then for another two years on
Peter Lombard’s Sentences, the theological textbook of the
medieval universities. In 1245 he was graduated master in
the theological faculty and obtained the Dominican chair
“for foreigners.”
It was probably at Paris that Albertus began working on a
monumental presentation of the entire body of knowledge of
his time. He wrote commentaries on the Bible and on the
Sentences; he alone among medieval scholars made
commentaries on all the known works of Aristotle, both
genuine and spurious, paraphrasing the originals but
frequently adding “digressions” in which he expressed his
own observations, “experiments,” and speculations. The term
experiment for Albertus indicates a careful process of
observing, describing, and classifying. His speculations
were open to Neoplatonic thought. Apparently in response to
a request that he explain Aristotle’s Physics, Albertus
undertook—as he states at the beginning of his Physica—“to
make . . . intelligible to the Latins” all the branches of
natural science, logic, rhetoric, mathematics, astronomy,
ethics, economics, politics, and metaphysics. While he was
working on this project, which took about 20 years to
complete, he probably had among his disciples Thomas
Aquinas, who arrived at Paris late in 1245.
Albertus distinguished the way to knowledge by revelation
and faith from the way of philosophy and of science; the
latter follows the authorities of the past according to
their competence, but it also makes use of observation and
proceeds by means of reason and intellect to the highest
degrees of abstraction. For Albertus these two ways are not
opposed; there is no “double truth”—one truth for faith and
a contradictory truth for reason. All that is really true is
joined in harmony. Although there are mysteries accessible
only to faith, other points of Christian doctrine are
recognizable both by faith and by reason—e.g., the doctrine
of the immortality of the individual soul. He defended this
doctrine in several works against the teaching of the
Averroists (Latin followers of Averroës), who held that only
one intellect, which is common to all human beings, remains
after the death of man.
Albertus’ lectures and publications gained him great
renown. He came to be quoted as readily as the Arabian
philosophers Avicenna and Averroës and even Aristotle
himself. Roger Bacon, a contemporary English scholar who was
by no means friendly toward Albertus, spoke of him as “the
most noted of Christian scholars.”
In the summer of 1248, Albertus was sent to Cologne to
organize the first Dominican studium generale (“general
house of studies”) in Germany. He presided over the house
until 1254 and devoted himself to a full schedule of
studying, teaching, and writing. During this period his
chief disciple was Thomas Aquinas, who returned to Paris in
1252. The two men maintained a close relationship even
though doctrinal differences began to appear. From 1254 to
1257 Albertus was provincial of “Teutonia,” the German
province of the Dominicans. Although burdened with added
administrative duties, he continued his writing and
scientific observation and research.
Albertus resigned the office of provincial in 1257 and
resumed teaching in Cologne. In 1259 he was appointed by the
pope to succeed the bishop of Regensburg, and he was
installed as bishop in January 1260. After Alexander IV died
in 1261, Albertus was able to resign his episcopal see. He
then returned to his order and to teaching at Cologne. From
1263 to 1264 he was legate of Pope Urban IV, preaching the
crusade throughout Germany and Bohemia; subsequently, he
lectured at Würzburg and at Strasbourg. In 1270 he settled
definitively at Cologne, where, as he had done in 1252 and
in 1258, he made peace between the archbishop and his city.
During his final years he made two long journeys from
Cologne. In 1274 he attended the second Council of Lyon,
France, and spoke in favour of acknowledging Rudolf of
Habsburg as German king. In 1277 he traveled to Paris to
uphold the recently condemned good name and writings of
Thomas Aquinas, who had died a few years before, and to
defend certain Aristotelian doctrines that both he and
Thomas held to be true.
Albertus’ works represent the entire body of European
knowledge of his time not only in theology but also in
philosophy and the natural sciences. His importance for
medieval science essentially consists in his bringing
Aristotelianism to the fore against reactionary tendencies
in contemporary theology. On the other hand, without feeling
any discrepancy in it, he also gave the widest latitude to
Neoplatonic speculation, which was continued by Ulrich of
Strasbourg and by the German mystics of the 14th century. It
was by his writings on the natural sciences, however, that
he exercised the greatest influence. Albertus must be
regarded as unique in his time for having made accessible
and available the Aristotelian knowledge of nature and for
having enriched it by his own observations in all branches
of the natural sciences. A preeminent place in the history
of science is accorded to him because of this achievement.
|
Medieval philosophy » The age of the Schoolmen » Thomas Aquinas
Albertus Magnus’s Dominican confrere and pupil Thomas Aquinas shared his
master’s great esteem for the ancient philosophers, especially
Aristotle, and also for the more recent Arabic and Jewish thinkers. He
welcomed truth wherever he found it and used it for the enrichment of
Christian thought. For him reason and faith cannot contradict each
other, because they come from the same divine source. In his day,
conservative theologians and philosophers regarded Aristotle with
suspicion and leaned toward the more traditional Christian Neoplatonism.
Aquinas realized that their suspicion was partly due to the fact that
Aristotle’s philosophy had been distorted by the Arabic commentators, so
he wrote his own commentaries to show the essential soundness of
Aristotle’s system and to convince his contemporaries of its value for
Christian theology.
Aquinas’s own philosophical views are best expressed in his
theological works, especially his Summa theologiae (1265/66–1273; Eng.
trans., Summa theologiae) and Summa contra gentiles (1258–64; Summa
Against the Gentiles). In these works he clearly distinguished between
the domains and methods of philosophy and theology. The philosopher
seeks the first causes of things, beginning with data furnished by the
senses; the subject of the theologian’s inquiry is God as revealed in
sacred scripture. In theology, appeal to authority carries the most
weight; in philosophy, it carries the least.
Aquinas found Aristotelianism and, to a lesser extent, Platonism
useful instruments for Christian thought and communication; but he
transformed and deepened everything he borrowed from them. For example,
he adopted Aristotle’s proof of the existence of a primary unmoved
mover, but the primary mover at which Aquinas arrived is very different
from that of Aristotle; it is in fact the God of Judaism and
Christianity. He also adopted Aristotle’s teaching that the soul is the
human being’s form and the body his matter, but for Aquinas this does
not entail, as it did for the Aristotelians, the denial of the
immortality of the soul or the ultimate value of the individual. Aquinas
never compromised Christian doctrine by bringing it into line with the
current Aristotelianism; rather, he modified and corrected the latter
whenever it clashed with Christian belief. The harmony he established
between Aristotelianism and Christianity was not forced but achieved by
a new understanding of philosophical principles, especially the notion
of being, which he conceived as the act of existing (esse). For him, God
is pure being, or the act of existing. Creatures participate in being
according to their essence; for example, human beings participate in
being, or the act of existing, to the extent that their humanity, or
essence, permits. The fundamental distinction between God and creatures
is that creatures have a real composition of essence and existence,
whereas God’s essence is his existence.

|
Saint Thomas Aquinas
Italian Christian theologian and philosopher
also called Aquinas, Italian San Tommaso d’Aquino, byname
Doctor Angelicus (Latin: Angelic Doctor)
born 1224/25, Roccasecca, near Aquino, Terra di Lavoro,
Kingdom of Sicily
died March 7, 1274, Fossanova, near Terracina, Latium, Papal
States; canonized July 18, 1323; feast day January 28,
formerly March 7
Main
Italian Dominican theologian, the foremost medieval
Scholasticist. He developed his own conclusions from
Aristotelian premises, notably in the metaphysics of
personality, creation, and Providence. As a theologian he
was responsible in his two masterpieces, the Summa
theologiae and the Summa contra gentiles, for the classical
systematization of Latin theology; and as a poet he wrote
some of the most gravely beautiful eucharistic hymns in the
church’s liturgy. His doctrinal system and the explanations
and developments made by his followers are known as Thomism.
Although many modern Roman Catholic theologians do not find
St. Thomas altogether congenial, he is nevertheless
recognized by the Roman Catholic Church as its foremost
Western philosopher and theologian.
Early years
Thomas was born to parents who were in possession of a
modest feudal domain on a boundary constantly disputed by
the emperor and the pope. His father was of Lombard origin;
his mother was of the later invading Norman strain. His
people were distinguished in the service of Emperor
Frederick II during the civil strife in southern Italy
between the papal and imperial forces. Thomas was placed in
the monastery of Monte Cassino near his home as an oblate
(i.e., offered as a prospective monk) when he was still a
young boy; his family doubtless hoped that he would someday
become abbot to their advantage. In 1239, after nine years
in this sanctuary of spiritual and cultural life, young
Thomas was forced to return to his family when the emperor
expelled the monks because they were too obedient to the
pope. He was then sent to the University of Naples, recently
founded by the emperor, where he first encountered the
scientific and philosophical works that were being
translated from the Greek and the Arabic. In this setting
Thomas decided to join the Friars Preachers, or Dominicans,
a new religious order founded 30 years earlier, which
departed from the traditional paternalistic form of
government for monks to the more democratic form of the
mendicant friars (i.e., religious orders whose corporate as
well as personal poverty made it necessary for them to beg
alms) and from the monastic life of prayer and manual labour
to a more active life of preaching and teaching. By this
move he took a liberating step beyond the feudal world into
which he was born and the monastic spirituality in which he
was reared. A dramatic episode marked the full significance
of his decision. His parents had him abducted on the road to
Paris, where his shrewd superiors had immediately assigned
him so that he would be out of the reach of his family but
also so that he could pursue his studies in the most
prestigious and turbulent university of the time.
Studies in Paris
Thomas held out stubbornly against his family despite a year
of captivity. He was finally liberated and in the autumn of
1245 went to Paris to the convent of Saint-Jacques, the
great university centre of the Dominicans; there he studied
under Albertus Magnus, a tremendous scholar with a wide
range of intellectual interests.
Escape from the feudal world, rapid commitment to the
University of Paris, and religious vocation to one of the
new mendicant orders all meant a great deal in a world in
which faith in the traditional institutional and conceptual
structure was being attacked. The encounter between the
gospel and the culture of his time formed the nerve centre
of Thomas’s position and directed its development. Normally,
his work is presented as the integration into Christian
thought of the recently discovered Aristotelian philosophy,
in competition with the integration of Platonic thought
effected by the Fathers of the Church during the first 12
centuries of the Christian Era. This view is essentially
correct; more radically, however, it should also be asserted
that Thomas’s work accomplished an evangelical awakening to
the need for a cultural and spiritual renewal not only in
the lives of individual men but also throughout the church.
Thomas must be understood in his context as a mendicant
religious, influenced both by the evangelism of St. Francis
of Assisi, founder of the Franciscan order, and by the
devotion to scholarship of St. Dominic, founder of the
Dominican order.
When Thomas Aquinas arrived at the University of Paris,
the influx of Arabian-Aristotelian science was arousing a
sharp reaction among believers; and several times the church
authorities tried to block the naturalism and rationalism
that were emanating from this philosophy and, according to
many ecclesiastics, seducing the younger generations. Thomas
did not fear these new ideas, but, like his master Albertus
Magnus (and Roger Bacon, also lecturing at Paris), he
studied the works of Aristotle and eventually lectured
publicly on them.
For the first time in history, Christian believers and
theologians were confronted with the rigorous demands of
scientific rationalism. At the same time, technical progress
was requiring men to move from the rudimentary economy of an
agrarian society to an urban society with production
organized in trade guilds, with a market economy, and with a
profound feeling of community. New generations of men and
women, including clerics, were reacting against the
traditional notion of contempt for the world and were
striving for mastery over the forces of nature through the
use of their reason. The structure of Aristotle’s philosophy
emphasized the primacy of the intelligence. Technology
itself became a means of access to truth; mechanical arts
were powers for humanizing the cosmos. Thus, the dispute
over the reality of universals—i.e., the question about the
relation between general words such as “red” and particulars
such as “this red object”—which had dominated early
Scholastic philosophy, was left behind; and a coherent
metaphysics of knowledge and of the world was being
developed.
During the summer of 1248, Aquinas left Paris with
Albertus, who was to assume direction of the new faculty
established by the Dominicans at the convent in Cologne. He
remained there until 1252, when he returned to Paris to
prepare for the degree of master of theology. After taking
his bachelor’s degree, he received the licentia docendi
(“license to teach”) at the beginning of 1256 and shortly
afterward finished the training necessary for the title and
privileges of master. Thus, in the year 1256 he began
teaching theology in one of the two Dominican schools
incorporated in the University of Paris.
Years at the papal Curia and return to Paris
In 1259 Thomas was appointed theological adviser and
lecturer to the papal Curia, then the centre of Western
humanism. He returned to Italy, where he spent two years at
Anagni at the end of the reign of Alexander IV and four
years at Orvieto with Urban IV. From 1265 to 1267 he taught
at the convent of Santa Sabina in Rome and then, at the
request of Clement IV, went to the papal Curia in Viterbo.
Suddenly, in November 1268, he was sent to Paris, where he
became involved in a sharp doctrinal polemic that had just
been triggered off.
The works of Averroës, the outstanding representative of
Arabic philosophy in Spain, who was known as the great
commentator and interpreter of Aristotle, were just becoming
known to the Parisian masters. There seems to be no doubt
about the Islamic faith of the Cordovan philosopher;
nevertheless, he asserted that the structure of religious
knowledge was entirely heterogeneous to rational knowledge:
two truths—one of faith, the other of reason—can, in the
final analysis, be contradictory. This dualism was denied by
Muslim orthodoxy and was still less acceptable to
Christians. With the appearance of Siger of Brabant,
however, and from 1266 on, the quality of Averroës’s
exegesis and the wholly rational bent of his thought began
to attract disciples in the faculty of arts at the
University of Paris. Thomas Aquinas rose in protest against
his colleagues; nevertheless, the parties retained a mutual
esteem. As soon as he returned from Italy, Thomas began to
dispute with Siger, who, he claimed, was compromising not
only orthodoxy but also the Christian interpretation of
Aristotle. Aquinas found himself wedged in between the
Augustinian tradition of thought, now more emphatic than
ever in its criticism of Aristotle, and the Averroists.
Radical Averroism was condemned in 1270, but at the same
time Thomas, who sanctioned the autonomy of reason under
faith, was discredited.
In the course of this dispute, the very method of
theology was called into question. According to Aquinas,
reason is able to operate within faith and yet according to
its own laws. The mystery of God is expressed and incarnate
in human language; it is thus able to become the object of
an active, conscious, and organized elaboration in which the
rules and structures of rational activity are integrated in
the light of faith. In the Aristotelian sense of the word,
then (although not in the modern sense), theology is a
“science”; it is knowledge that is rationally derived from
propositions that are accepted as certain because they are
revealed by God. The theologian accepts authority and faith
as his starting point and then proceeds to conclusions using
reason; the philosopher, on the other hand, relies solely on
the natural light of reason. Thomas was the first to view
theology expressly in this way or at least to present it
systematically, and in doing so he raised a storm of
opposition in various quarters. Even today this opposition
endures, especially among religious enthusiasts for whom
reason remains an intruder in the realm of mystical
communion, contemplation, and the sudden ecstasy of
evangelical fervour.
The literary form of Aquinas’s works must be appreciated
in the context of his methodology. He organized his teaching
in the form of “questions,” in which critical research is
presented by pro and con arguments, according to the
pedagogical system then in use in the universities. Forms
varied from simple commentaries on official texts to written
accounts of the public disputations, which were significant
events in medieval university life. Thomas’s works are
divided into three categories: 1) commentaries on such works
as the Old and New Testaments, the Sentences of Peter
Lombard (the official manual of theology in the
universities), and the writings of Aristotle; 2) disputed
questions, accounts of his teaching as a master in the
disputations; 3) two summae or personal syntheses, the Summa
contra gentiles and the Summa theologiae, which were
presented as integral introductions for the use of
beginners. Numerous opuscula (“little works”), which have
great interest because of the particular circumstances that
provoked them, must also be noted.
The logic of Aquinas’s position regarding faith and
reason required that the fundamental consistency of the
realities of nature be recognized. A physis (“nature”) has
necessary laws; recognition of this fact permits the
construction of a science according to a logos (“rational
structure”). Thomas thus avoided the temptation to sacralize
the forces of nature through a naïve recourse to the
miraculous or the Providence of God. For him, a whole
“supernatural” world that cast its shadow over things and
men, in Romanesque art as in social customs, had blurred
men’s imaginations. Nature, discovered in its profane
reality, should assume its proper religious value and lead
to God by more rational ways, yet not simply as a shadow of
the supernatural. This understanding is exemplified in the
way that Francis of Assisi admired the birds, the plants,
and the Sun.
The inclusion of Aristotle’s Physics in university
programs was not, therefore, just a matter of academic
curiosity. Naturalism, however, as opposed to a sacral
vision of the world, was penetrating all realms:
spirituality, social customs, and political conduct. About
1270, Jean de Meun, a French poet of the new cities and
Thomas’s neighbour in the Rue Saint-Jacques in Paris, gave
expression in his Roman de la Rose to the coarsest realism,
not only in examining the physical universe but also in
describing and judging the laws of procreation. Innumerable
manuscripts of the Roman poet Ovid’s Ars amatoria (Art of
Love) were in circulation; André le Chapelain, in his De Deo
amoris (On the God of Love) adapted a more refined version
for the public. Courtly love in its more seductive forms
became a more prevalent element in the culture of the 13th
century.
At the same time, Roman law was undergoing a revival at
the University of Bologna; this involved a rigorous analysis
of the natural law and provided the jurists of Frederick II
with a weapon against ecclesiastical theocracy. The
traditional presentations of the role and duties of princes,
in which biblical symbolism was used to outline beautiful
pious images, were replaced by treatises that described
experimental and rational attempts at government. Thomas had
composed such a treatise—De regimine principum (On the
Government of Princes)—for the king of Cyprus in 1266. In
the administration of justice, juridical investigations and
procedures replaced fanatical recourse to ordeals and to
judgments of God.
In the face of this movement, there was a fear on the
part of many that the authentic values of nature would not
be properly distinguished from the disorderly inclinations
of mind and heart. Theologians of a traditional bent firmly
resisted any form of a determinist philosophy which, they
believed, would atrophy liberty, dissolve personal
responsibility, destroy faith in Providence, and deny the
notion of a gratuitous act of creation. Imbued with
Augustine’s doctrines, they asserted the necessity and power
of grace for a nature torn asunder by sin. The optimism of
the new theology concerning the religious value of nature
scandalized them.
Although he was an Aristotelian, Thomas Aquinas was
certain that he could defend himself against a heterodox
interpretation of “the Philosopher,” as Aristotle was known.
Thomas held that human liberty could be defended as a
rational thesis while admitting that determinations are
found in nature. In his theology of Providence, he taught a
continuous creation, in which the dependence of the created
on the creative wisdom guarantees the reality of the order
of nature. God moves sovereignly all that he creates; but
the supreme government that he exercises over the universe
is conformed to the laws of a creative Providence that wills
each being to act according to its proper nature. This
autonomy finds its highest realization in the rational
creature: man is literally self-moving in his intellectual,
volitional, and physical existence. Man’s freedom, far from
being destroyed by his relationship to God, finds its
foundation in this very relationship. “To take something
away from the perfection of the creature is to abstract from
the perfection of the creative power itself.” This
metaphysical axiom, which is also a mystical principle, is
the key to St. Thomas’s spirituality.
Last years at Naples
At Easter time in 1272, Thomas returned to Italy to
establish a Dominican house of studies at the University of
Naples. This move was undoubtedly made in answer to a
request made by King Charles of Anjou, who was anxious to
revive the university. After participating in a general
chapter, or meeting, of the Dominicans held in Florence
during Pentecost week and having settled some family
affairs, Thomas resumed his university teaching at Naples in
October and continued it until the end of the following
year.
Although Thomas’s argument with the Averroists had for
years been matched by a controversy with the Christian
masters who followed the traditional Augustinian conception
of man as fallen, this latter dispute now became more
pronounced. In a series of university conferences in 1273,
Bonaventure, a Franciscan friar and a friendly colleague of
Thomas at Paris, renewed his criticism of the Aristotelian
current of thought, including the teachings of Thomas. He
criticized the thesis that philosophy is distinct from
theology, as well as the notion of a physical nature that
has determined laws; he was especially critical of the
theory that the soul is bound up with the body as the two
necessary principles that make up the nature of man and also
reacted strongly to the Aristotelians’ denial of the
Platonic-Augustinian theory of knowledge based upon
exemplary Ideas or Forms.
The disagreement was profound. Certainly, all Christian
philosophers taught the distinction between matter and
spirit. This distinction, however, could be intelligently
held only if the internal relationship between matter and
spirit in individual human beings was sought. It was in the
process of this explanation that differences of opinion
arose—not only intellectual differences between idealist and
realist philosophers but also emotional differences. Some
viewed the material world merely as a physical and
biological reality, a stage on which the history of
spiritual persons is acted out, their culture developed, and
their salvation or damnation determined. This stage itself
remains detached from the spiritual event, and the history
of nature is only by chance the setting for the spiritual
history. The history of nature follows its own path
imperturbably; in this history, man is a foreigner, playing
a brief role only to escape as quickly as possible from the
world into the realm of pure spirit, the realm of God.
Thomas, on the contrary, noted the inclusion of the
history of nature in the history of the spirit and at the
same time noted the importance of the history of spirit for
the history of nature. Man is situated ontologically (i.e.,
by his very existence) at the juncture of two universes,
“like a horizon of the corporeal and of the spiritual.” In
man there is not only a distinction between spirit and
nature but there is also an intrinsic homogeneity of the
two. Aristotle furnished Aquinas with the categories
necessary for the expression of this concept: the soul is
the “form” of the body. For Aristotle, form is that which
makes a thing to be what it is; form and matter—that out of
which a thing is made—are the two intrinsic causes that
constitute every material thing. For Thomas, then, the body
is the matter and the soul is the form of man. The objection
was raised that he was not sufficiently safeguarding the
transcendence of the spirit, the doctrine that the soul
survives after the death of the body.
In January 1274 Thomas Aquinas was personally summoned by
Gregory X to the second Council of Lyons, which was an
attempt to repair the schism between the Latin and Greek
churches. On his way he was stricken by illness; he stopped
at the Cistercian abbey of Fossanova, where he died on March
7. In 1277 the masters of Paris, the highest theological
jurisdiction in the church, condemned a series of 219
propositions; 12 of these propositions were theses of
Thomas. This was the most serious condemnation possible in
the Middle Ages; its repercussions were felt in the
development of ideas. It produced for several centuries a
certain unhealthy spiritualism that resisted the cosmic and
anthropological realism of Aquinas.
Assessment
The biography of Thomas Aquinas is one of extreme
simplicity; it chronicles little but some modest travel
during a career devoted entirely to university life: at
Paris, the Roman Curia, Paris again, and Naples. It would be
a mistake, however, to judge that his life was merely the
quiet life of a professional teacher untouched by the social
and political affairs of his day. The drama that went on in
his mind and in his religious life found its causes and
produced its effects in the university. In the young
universities all the ingredients of a rapidly developing
civilization were massed together, and to these universities
the Christian church had deliberately and authoritatively
committed its doctrine and its spirit. In this environment,
Thomas found the technical conditions for elaborating his
work—not only the polemic occasions for turning it out but
also the enveloping and penetrating spiritual milieu needed
for it. It is within the homogeneous contexts supplied by
this environment that it is possible today to discover the
historical intelligibility of his work, just as they
supplied the climate for its fruitfulness at the time of its
birth.
Thomas Aquinas was canonized a saint in 1323, officially
named doctor of the church in 1567, and proclaimed the
protagonist of orthodoxy during the modernist crisis at the
end of the 19th century. This continuous commendation,
however, cannot obliterate the historical difficulties in
which he was embroiled in the 13th century during a radical
theological renewal—a renewal that was contested at the time
and yet was brought about by the social, cultural, and
religious evolution of the West. Thomas was at the heart of
the doctrinal crisis that confronted Christendom when the
discovery of Greek science, culture, and thought seemed
about to crush it. William of Tocco, Aquinas’s first
biographer, who had known him and was able to give evidence
of the impression produced by his master’s teaching, says:
Brother Thomas raised new problems in his teaching,
invented a new method, used new systems of proof. To hear
him teach a new doctrine, with new arguments, one could not
doubt that God, by the irradiation of this new light and by
the novelty of this inspiration, gave him the power to
teach, by the spoken and written word, new opinions and new
knowledge.
The Rev. Marie-Dominique Chenu, O.P.
|
Medieval philosophy » The age of the Schoolmen » Averroists
A group of masters in the faculty of arts at Paris welcomed Aristotle’s
philosophy and taught it in disregard of its possible opposition to the
Christian faith. They wanted to be philosophers, not theologians, and to
them this meant following the Aristotelian system. Because Averroës was
the recognized commentator on Aristotle, they generally interpreted
Aristotle’s thought in an Averroistic way. Hence, in their own day they
were known as “Averroists”; today they are often called “Latin
Averroists” because they taught in Latin. Their leader, Siger de Brabant
(c. 1240–c. 1281), taught as rationally demonstrated certain
Aristotelian doctrines that contradicted the faith, such as the eternity
of the world and the oneness of the intellect. The Latin Averroists were
accused of holding a “double truth”—i.e., of maintaining the existence
of two contradictory truths, one commanded by faith, the other taught by
reason. Although Siger never proposed philosophical conclusions contrary
to faith, other members of this group upheld the right and duty of the
philosopher to follow human reason to its natural conclusions, even when
they contradicted the truths of faith.
This growing rationalism confirmed the belief of theologians of a
traditionalist cast that the pagan and Islamic philosophies would
destroy the Christian faith. They attacked these philosophies in
treatises such as Errores philosophorum (1270; The Errors of the
Philosophers) by Giles of Rome (c. 1243–1316). In 1277 the bishop of
Paris condemned 219 propositions based on the new trend toward
rationalism and naturalism. These included even some of Aquinas’s
Aristotelian doctrines. In the same year, the archbishop of Canterbury
made a similar condemnation at Oxford. These reactions to the novel
trends in philosophy did not prevent the Averroists from treating
philosophical questions apart from religious considerations.
Theologians, for their part, were increasingly suspicious of the
philosophers and less optimistic about the ultimate reconciliation of
philosophy and theology.

|
Siger De Brabant
Belgian philosopher
born c. 1240, duchy of Brabant
died , between 1281 and 1284, Orvieto, Tuscany
Main
professor of philosophy at the University of Paris and a
leading representative of the school of radical, or
heterodox, Aristotelianism, which arose in Paris when Latin
translations of Greek and Arabic works in philosophy
introduced new material to masters in the faculty of arts.
Beginning about 1260 Siger and some of his colleagues
inaugurated purely rational lectures that reinterpreted
works of Aristotle without regard for established teachings
of the church, which had blended orthodox Aristotelianism
with Christian faith. In addition to Aristotle, Siger’s
sources include such philosophers as Proclus (410–485),
Avicenna (980–1037), Averroës (1126–98), and Thomas Aquinas
(1225?–74).
From 1266, when his name first appears, to 1276, Siger
was prominent in the disputes at Paris over Aristotelianism.
Bonaventure, the minister general of the Order of Friars
Minor, and Aquinas, head of the Dominicans, both attacked
Siger’s teachings. In 1270 the bishop of Paris, Étienne
Tempier, condemned 13 errors in the teaching of Siger and
his partisans. Six years later the inquisitor of the Roman
Catholic Church in France summoned Siger and two others
suspected of heterodoxy, but they fled to Italy, where they
probably entered an appeal before the papal tribunal. A few
months later, in March 1277, Tempier announced condemnation
of 219 more propositions. Siger is believed to have been
restricted to the company of a cleric, for he was stabbed at
Orvieto by his cleric, who had gone mad, and he died during
Martin IV’s pontificate, sometime before Nov. 10, 1284.
Dante, in the Divine Comedy, put Siger in the Heaven of
Light in the brilliant company of 12 illustrious souls.
Siger’s written works gradually came to light, and 14
authentic works and 6 probably authentic commentaries on
Aristotle were known by the mid-20th century. Among them are
Quaestiones in metaphysicam, Impossibilia (six exercises in
sophistry), and Tractatus de anima intellectiva (“Treatise
on the Intellectual Soul”). The last discusses his basic
belief that there is only one “intellectual” soul for
mankind and thus one will. Although this soul is eternal,
individual human beings are not immortal. This view, though
not lucidly expressed, suggests Siger’s disregard for
doctrines of the church and his emphasis on maintaining the
autonomy of philosophy as a self-sufficient discipline.
|
|
|

|
Giles of Rome
Augustinian theologian
Latin Aegidius Romanus, also called Doctor Fundatissimus
(Latin: “Best-Grounded Teacher”)
born c. 1243, –47, Rome [Italy]
died 1316, Avignon, Fr.
Main
Scholastic theologian, philosopher, logician, archbishop,
and general and intellectual leader of the Order of the
Hermit Friars of St. Augustine.
Giles joined the Augustinian Hermits in about 1257 and in
1260 went to Paris, where he was educated in the house of
his order. While in Paris from 1269 to 1272, he probably
studied under St. Thomas Aquinas, whose philosophical
doctrines he defended against ecclesiastical condemnation
(1277). He supported the Thomistic doctrine of substance in
his Theoremata de esse et essentia (“Essays on Being and
Essence”). A storm of opposition from other theologians
forced Giles to take refuge in Bayeux, Fr. (1278–80).
In 1281 he returned to Italy and was made provincial of
his order in 1283 and vicar-general in 1285. That year Pope
Honorius IV effected Giles’ reinstatement at the University
of Paris, where he taught theology until 1291. He served as
general of the Augustinian Hermits from 1292 to 1295, when
Pope Boniface VIII made him archbishop of Bourges, Fr.
During the political conflict between Boniface and King
Philip IV the Fair of France, Giles wrote, in 1301, a
defense of the pope, De ecclesiastica potestate (“On the
Church Power”); he proposed that the pope must have direct
political power over the whole of mankind.
Developing in an original way Augustinian and Thomistic
doctrines, Giles’s vast literary production includes
Aristotelian and biblical commentaries and theological and
political treatises. Numerous editions of his collected and
individual works appeared in the 15th, 16th, and 17th
centuries. His commentaries on Aristotle’s entire Organon
(i.e., the logical writings) are considered valuable by
logicians.
|
|